There Is Nothing to Fear

Mass protests have erupted across Türkiye after the arrest of Istanbul’s mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu. From Estonia, young Turks reflect on the growing unrest, fear, and hope for democracy in their homeland

NARVAMUS: What is happening in Türkiye?

Berkay: Before we dive into the questions, let me set the scene a bit.

It might be helpful to know some of the names before jumping in:

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan—he's been around forever. I’m in my 20s, and ever since I was a kid, he’s always been on TV.

Ekrem İmamoğlu—probably the strongest figure in the opposition right now. There were rumors he might run for president in the next elections, which makes sense. Politically, he’s the second most powerful person in the country, and he’s the mayor of Istanbul—a city of over 16 million people. You can imagine how much influence comes with that.

So where does this story begin?

I believe it all started when some people didn’t want to face certain others as a rival in the upcoming elections.

Okan: Türkiye is once again at a critical political crossroads, as the recent arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu has sparked nationwide protests, raising concerns about the country’s democratic trajectory. Many see his arrest as a calculated move by the ruling government to eliminate a political rival ahead of upcoming elections. The government, however, justifies the charges as part of an anti-corruption crackdown. Regardless of the official reasoning, the timing and context of the arrest have led many to question the integrity of Turkey's political and judicial systems.

The protests that erupted following İmamoğlu’s detention are fueled by deeper frustrations that have been accumulating for years. Beyond concerns about political manipulation, people are outraged over what they see as a systematic erosion of democratic institutions. The opposition, journalists, and civil society groups have long accused the government of using judicial mechanisms to silence dissenting voices. The recent crackdown on media outlets—such as the deportation of a BBC journalist and restrictions on opposition channels—has only deepened fears that free speech is under threat.

İmamoğlu’s arrest has become a symbol of resistance for those who believe Türkiye is drifting away from democratic norms. In cities like Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, tens of thousands have gathered in protest, demanding justice and fair governance. Although largely peaceful, demonstrations have been met with heavy police intervention, leading to mass detentions and clashes. Reports indicate that nearly 1,900 people have been arrested.

What stands out is the diversity of the protesters—young and old, across political divides—coming together to call for greater transparency and accountability. Yet this unity is being tested by the government’s firm response, which so far shows little willingness to engage with public demands.

NARVAMUS: What are your personal feelings about the situation?

Berkay: When I first saw the news, I honestly didn’t react much. I thought he’d [Ed. note: Ekrem İmamoğlu, mayor of Istanbul] be questioned and released in a day or two. But then I realized things were escalating. He was being charged with two separate crimes: corruption and alleged ties to a terrorist organization. The second charge, if successful, would’ve removed him from office. The corruption charge meant possible prison time.

People were especially outraged because the so-called “evidence” was weak—anonymous witness claims like “I heard that…” or “Maybe it happened like this…” That’s when protests really began. At first, it was only in Istanbul. But the anger quickly spread.

When I compare Türkiye to Estonia, the difference in access to accurate information is striking. Everything I write here reflects my own effort to piece things together—and even then, I’m not sure what’s true or false. Maybe that’s the saddest part.

According to İmamoğlu’s team and some media, just 20 minutes after questioning, a 20-page arrest warrant was issued. They claimed there was no credible link to terrorism, but said there was “sufficient evidence” of corruption. He was sent to one of the country’s highest-security prisons—Silivri.

In the first few days, protests were led mostly by young people and the political left. But when the arrest became official, everything changed. The protests grew rapidly. People weren’t just demanding justice for İmamoğlu—they were defending democracy itself.

At universities, young people gathered to sing and chant: “This country belongs to us.” They were tired of being ruled by people in their 70s who’ve made life unbearable.

And it wasn’t just the usual opposition cities. Even conservative strongholds joined in. No party logos, no political flags. It wasn’t about one man anymore — it was about years of injustice.

I still hoped the government would calm things down with a peaceful message. Something like: “We’re one nation, let’s reconcile.” But no. Those in power wanted more power. Like the old Turkish saying goes: they wanted to “crush the snake’s head while it’s still small.”

Okan: Watching these events unfold from abroad has been emotionally complex. Distance doesn’t reduce the impact—if anything, it amplifies feelings of helplessness. Talking to family and friends back home gives me firsthand accounts of the fear and uncertainty, but also of resilience. People refuse to be intimidated into silence. The uncertainty about what comes next is perhaps the most difficult part. Will this movement lead to change, or will it be repressed like others before it?

NARVAMUS: How has the media landscape changed?

Berkay: The government began tightening its grip on the media. Left-leaning outlets were shut down for nearly 10 days and fined heavily. Even YouTube creators were pressured to comply with state broadcasting rules.

In response, İmamoğlu’s party released a boycott list targeting government-friendly businesses. One major target was a popular coffee chain. Within days, the boycott gained massive support. The chains began losing money and posting online: “We’re not politically aligned, please don’t do this.” But it was too late.

Soon, ministers and pro-government figures were seen at these cafés, posting staged photos to counter the boycott. At this point, it had become a war—not with bullets, but not without damage either.

Honestly, I don’t even know what to feel anymore. It’s all a blur. But like Atatürk once said:

NARVAMUS: What comes next for Türkiye?

Okan: Looking ahead, these events will definitely have long-term implications. If the goal was to weaken the opposition, it might’ve done the opposite—mobilizing people and reinforcing critiques of government overreach. The outcome could shape the next election and determine whether Türkiye leans further into authoritarianism or sees a democratic revival.

The international community has a role too—not in interfering, but in defending democratic values. Diplomatic pressure, media coverage, and solidarity with Turkish civil society can help ensure those calling for justice aren’t ignored.

At its core, this crisis raises profound questions. Leaders should be chosen at the ballot box, not removed through politically motivated legal cases. That principle matters not just Türkiye, but globally. The world has seen how democracies can erode—not through coups, but through subtle, legal manipulation.

This isn’t just about one politician. It’s about millions of citizens who feel unheard. Their demand is simple: a just and fair political system. How Türkiye responds will define much more than one man’s future—it will shape the soul of the nation.

Berkay: I’m not good at predictions. Honestly, I don’t think anyone is.

The only thing that will answer this question is time—the ultimate remedy for everything.

(...)

Despite everything, I still feel hopeful. There is nothing to fear. Hope is still here, and it’s not going anywhere.

Let me end with a short story:

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This material is part of the PERSPECTIVES 2 project – a new label for independent, constructive, and multiperspective journalism. The project is funded by the European Union. The opinions and positions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or positions of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). The European Union and EACEA assume no responsibility for them. Learn more about PERSPECTIVES.